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- One of the more astounding revelations of the recent investigations was the secret 1981 agreement between the Dept. of Justice and the CIA that specifically released the CIA from the requirement that the Agency report any drug-related activities by its agents and operatives to DOJ.
- A group of U.S. Congressmen submitted this documentary history of CIA collusion with drug traffickers into the Congressional Record.
- Volume 2 of the CIA Inspector General's Report on Contra drug smuggling and CIA complicity was released late last fall (Fall '98), and is additionally available here with additional commentary here. The CIA's own Inspector General shows that from the very start of the US-backed war on Nicaragua the CIA knew the Contras were planning to traffic in cocaine into the US. It did nothing to stop the traffic and, when other government agencies began to probe, the CIA impeded their investigations. When Contra money raisers were arrested the Agency came to their aid and retrieved their drug money from the police. So, was the Agency complicit in drug trafficking into Los Angeles and other cities? It is impossible to read Hitz's report and not conclude that this was the case.
- Gary Webb (author of the Dark Alliance series and book) provides an excellent synopsis of the IG Report's contents, found here and here.
- The 1980's CIA collusion with allied drug traffickers lead to the formation of a protected narcotics pipeline, resulting an increase in supply and drop in price. Former DEA agents have repeatedly pointed out that 50%-70% of the cocaine entering the U.S. went via drug cartels that enjoyed CIA protection.
"..Taken alone, one Contra drug ring, that of Rafael Caro Quintero and Miguel Angel Felix Gallardo (two Contra supporters based in Guadalajara, Mexico) were known by DEA to be smuggling four tons A MONTH into the U.S. during the early Contra war. Other operations including Manuel Noriega (a CIA asset, strongman leader of Panama), John Hull (ranch owner and CIA asset, Costa Rica), Felix Rodriguez (Contra supporter, El Salvador), Juan Ramon Matta Ballesteros (Honduran Military, Contra supporter, Honduras) along with other elements of the Guatemalan and Honduran military. Cumulatively, the aforementioned CIA assets were concurrently trafficking close to two hundred tons a year or close to 70% of total U.S. consumption. All of these CIA assets have been ascertained as being connected to CIA via public documentation and testimony."
- The CIA Inspector General's 300 page report holds many revelations; however, it is was originally a 600 page document. Robert Parry (http://www.consortiumnews.com) did a story in the Fall of 1998 regarding the omitted sections of the report, particulary concerning a second CIA drug ring (distinct from the one examined in Dark Alliance) in South Central Los Angeles that existed between 1988 and 1991. And according to Parry, there was yet another drug ring in L.A. that remains classified, because it was run by a CIA agent who had participated in the Contra war. It remains classified purportedly because an ongoing CIA investigation devles further into the matter (leaving one to speculate whether the CIA will utter another word about this case).
- Looking back at the past 15 years, illicit cocaine trafficking saw a marked 90% decline in cocaine trafficking and consumption, noticably contemporaneous with the disbandment of the Contras and the end of the CIA's covert actions against Nicaragua.
- The analysis section of this web delves into the problem of CIA alliances with criminal enterprises, the problem of quid-pro-quo arrangements, and the resulting fallout from such relationships:
"..If U.S. policy entails expanding the realm of U.S. influence, and it has to be done covertly, then the CIA readily opts to forge alliances with regional criminal enterprises. That's the way of covert action and warfare.
But for the CIA to gain any level of influence, a quid-pro-quo arrangement is required. In exchange for that criminal enterprise working for the CIA in some capacity, the CIA has to somehow protect or promote a criminal enterprises' interests.
Since the market for illicit narcotics is international, and the interests of the CIA is international, then the relationship is inevitable..."
"..It doesn't take a genius to tell you that if specific drug pipelines are protected [by the CIA] from interdiction, the resulting increase in drug volume will see a commensurate increase in drug addiction in the U.S. ..."
And now, onward through the fog:
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Evidence: Three DEA agents and their first-hand experiences:
|"In November of 1982....secret meetings had been called between DEA,
the Department of Justice and the CIA to discuss whether or not [Bolivian
officials responsible for flooding our streets with cocaine, who also happened
to be CIA assets could be indicted] without jeopardizing CIA programs...
"If any of the CIA assets were indicted, the Agency's role in the takeover of Bolivia by drug dealers, rapists and murderers - and perhaps their role in drug dealing too - might be revealed to the American people....
"The result of the secret meetings ...was that there would be no indictment. The CIA's drug dealing assets would be permitted to continue their criminal ways unhindered by the war on drugs."
"The CIA claimed that indicting these people would irreparably damage 'important programs.'"
-- THE BIG WHITE LIE by Michael Levine, Pages 417-418, hard cover edition.
|Later, Levine infiltrated a major Mexican drug ring. Levine was targeting highly-placed Mexican officials, only to find that his cover had been blown by U.S. Department of Justice (under Reagan's then-Attorney General, Edwin Meese). Levine was lucky: a fellow DEA agent, "Kiki" Camerena, was found tortured and executed by Mexican drug lords, his identity revealed as a result of the DoJ's indescretion.|
|"..[W]e penetrated what was about to become the biggest drug dealing corporation on the face of the earth and the case was killed by Central Intelligence. I documented that. They supported ex-Nazis like Klaus Barbi, Argentine mass murderers in the take-over of Bolivia." -- from radio Interview|
|Other material from Michael Levine:
"...Under the current two-party, rip-off system of American politics with their complete control of main stream media, I expect Ollie North to have a bright future in politics, while hundreds of thousands of Americans [found guilty of drug law violations] rot in jail. Ollie North, after all, is the perfect candidate..."
|Dennis Dayle, former chief of an elite DEA enforcement unit: "In my 30-year history in the Drug Enforcement Administration and related agencies, the major targets of my investigations almost invariably turned out to be working for the CIA." -- FROM: Peter Dale Scott & Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics: Drugs, Armies, and the CIA in Central America, Berkeley: U. of CA Press, 1991, pp. x-xi.|
|Celerino Castillo stated that together with 3 other ex-DEA agents, they were willing to testify in Congress regarding their direct knowledge of CIA involvement in international drug trafficking. Castillo estimates that approximately 75%(!) of narcotics entered the U.S. with the acquiescence or direct participation of U.S. and foreign CIA agents. (August 13, 1996 San Diego Union-Tribune, regarding Rep. Robert Toricelli's proposed subcommittee on the intelligence community and human rights violations in Guatemala and Central America).|
|Declassified DEA Report of Investigation (February 13, 1990, Page
4 of 7) File Title: REDACTED
"23. [Redacted] had learned that the reporter from Vera Cruz (FNU) Velasco before his death (1985) was allegedly developing information that, using the DFS as cover, the CIA established and maintained clandestine airfields to refuel aircraft loaded with weapons which were destined for Honduras and Nicaragua.
24. Pilots of these aircraft would allegedly load up with cocaine in Barranquilla Colombia and in route to Miami, Florida, refuel in Mexico at Narcotic trafficker-operated and CIA-maintained airstrips."
|This is from a 1987 DEA report, regarding the LA drug ring covered
by the Dark Alliance series and book. In 1987, the DEA sent undercover
informants inside this drug operation, and they interviewed one of the
principals of this organization, namely Ivan Torres. And this is what he
said. He told the informant:
"The CIA wants to know about drug trafficking, but only for their own purposes, and not necessarily for the use of law enforcement agencies. Torres told DEA Confidential Informant 1 that CIA representatives are aware of his drug-related activities, and that they don't mind. He said they had gone so far as to encourage cocaine trafficking by members of the contras, because they know it's a good source of income. Some of this money has gone into numbered accounts in Europe and Panama, as does the money that goes to Managua from cocaine trafficking. Torres told the informant about receiving counterintelligence training from the CIA, and had avowed that the CIA looks the other way and in essence allows them to engage in narcotics trafficking."This is a DEA report that was written in 1987, when the contra operations were still on going. Another member of this organization affiliated with a San Francisco connection, said in 1985 to the CIA:
"Cabezas claimed that the contra cocaine operated with the knowledge of, and under the supervision of, the CIA. Cabezas claimed that this drug enterprise was run with the knowledge of CIA agent Ivan Gómez."
"I personally am convinced that the Justice Department is against the best interests of the United States in terms of stopping drugs... What has a DEA agent who puts his life on the line got to look forward to? The U.S. Government is not going to back him up. I find that intolerable." -- United States Congressman Larry Smith, speaking on the floor of Congress.Again, to focus the blame upon the CIA is to actually miss a more important point, that collusion with narco-militarists and narco-facilitators is actually a function of policy, and extends far beyond simple corruption (greed). Many writers have looked into the guns-for-drugs barter arrangments of the Contras and have looked no farther. But the truth goes much deeper, and brings us to the underpinning reality of Narco-colonialism: The U.S. two-party system seeks to expand its influence and control as far as it can, with whatever means it can. In the case of Mexico, U.S. politicians saw to it that Mexican politicians corrupted by narco-dollars were protected from DEA sting operations.
|Ex-DEA agent Michael Levine
recounts the interference from the DoJ he experienced when he was working
in an undercover infiltration of the Mexican cartel:
"...I was heading up a deep cover sting operation. I was posing as a ... mafia don. [O]n videotape as part of the deep cover operation we ... had the body guard of the incoming president of Mexico, Carlos Salinas, promising me a wide open Mexico once [Salinas was] elected... a wide open Mexico for drug trafficking. Also on camera is the grandson of an ex-president... This is in 1987 ... I was plugged into a pipeline right into Southern California. The deal was 15 tons of cocaine bought in Bolivia, trans- shipped across Mexico. This was a pipeline! And I was literally renting the Mexican army. Now that videotape went to the Attorney General of the United States..."But to really appreciate the underpinning pattern, consider the case of DEA agent Enrique "Kiki" Camarena. In 1985 Camarena was working "deep cover" and had infiltrated the inner ranks of the Mexican cartel. Evidently, Camarena's cover identity was blown, and Camarena's body was recovered after he was tortured and murdered by members of the Mexican cartel. The investigation into Camarena's muder was obstructed by both the CIA and the DOJ.
Michale Levine has gone on the record describing the circumstances surrounding, and obstruction of justice after, Camarena's murder:
These were people [associates of Carlos Salinas] who were also linked... and we linked them to the murderers of Enrique "Qui Qui" Camarena<sp>, a DEA agent who was tortured to death. -- Radio Interview with Michael Levine
"..Undercover DEA agent Enrique "Kiki" Camarena was tortured to death slowly by professionals. Every known maximum-pain technique, from electric shocks to his testicles to white hot rods inserted in his rectum, was applied. A doctor stood by to keep him alive. The heart of the thirty-seven year old father of two boys refused to quit for more than twenty-four hours. His cries, along with the soft-spoken, calm voices of the men who were slowly and meticulously savaging his body, were tape-recorded.These revelations of the role of the U.S. Department of Justice in obstructing Camarena's murder investigation lead to something of a rebellion within the ranks of the DEA, and affected the subsequent Mexican Presidency of Carlos Salinas.
When Salinas came to power in 1988, relations with the United States had already been rocked by the murder three years earlier of Drug Enforcement Administration Special Agent Enrique "Kiki" Camarena. Salinas took several steps: In 1989, his government arrested kingpin Miguel Angel Felix-Gallardo; sentenced the alleged killers in the Camarena case; seized record amounts of cocaine; and signed a new treaty, pledging to join with the United States in fighting traffickers.
However, Salinas himself later fled into exile due to his involvement in an assassination of a political opponent as well as the massive looting of the Mexican state treasury that lead to the collapse of the Mexican economy. Mexico's monetary collapse required an infusion of $100's of billions from the U.S. Treasury. In his wake, Salinas has been exposed for heavy ties with the Mexican cartel, which is only part of the overall pattern of a massive Salinas family kleptocracy.
PBS Frontline: Murder, Money and Mexico: The Rise and Fall of the Salinas
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Congressional testimony and documents.
|"We don't need to investigate [the CIA's role in Contra drug trafficking]. We already know. The evidence is there." Jack Blum, former Chief Counsel to John Kerry's Subcommittee on Narcotics and Terrorism in 1996 Senate Hearings|
|"If you ask: In the process of fighting a war against the Sandinistas, did people connected with the US government open channels which allowed drug traffickers to move drugs to the United States, did they know the drug traffickers were doing it, and did they protect them from law enforcement? The answer to all those questions is yes." (Jack Blum, chief investigator for the Kerry Senate subcommittee, after years of investigation and access to classified information.)|
|"For criminal organizations, participating in covert operations offers much more than money. They may get a voice in selecting the new government. They may get a government that owes them for help in coming to power, They may be able to use their connections with the United States government to enhance their political power at home and to wave off the efforts of the American law enforcement community." (Blum has said something quite significant here. The CIA functionally gains control of governments corrupted by criminal narco-trafficking, and can exert influence by leveraging narco-militarists and corrupted politicians. It's fascinating that Blum basically described the Opium Wars of the 19th century. What Blum is saying is that narco-colonialism is alive and well and residing centrally at CIA headquarters at Langley, Virginia.)|
|"I think that among the other things you should be looking at is a review of the relationship in general between covert operations and criminal organizations. The two go together like love and marriage. And it's a problem which really has to be understood by this committee. Criminal organizations are perfect allies in a covert operation. If you sent me out of the country to risk my life for the government to do something as a spy in a foreign land, I would think criminals would be my best ally. They stay out of reach of the law, they know who the corrupt government officials are, and they have them on the payroll. They'll do anything I want for money. It's a terrific working partnership. The problem is that they then get empowered by the fact that they work with us." (Jack Blum)|
|"Here's my problem. I think that if people in the government of the United States make a secret decision to sacrifice some portion of the American population in the form of exposing them, let's say, deliberately exposing them to drugs, that is a terrible decision that should never be made in secret." (Jack Blum)|
|"When people who are engaged in an operation say, 'We're going to look the other way; we're not going to do anything,' interfere in the law enforcement process to protect people who are running the operationand, in that process of interference, permit drugs to flow in, you have an extraordinarily serious problem." (Jack Blum)|
|"There was a judgment call here, and that judgment call erred so
far on the wrong side of where judgment should have been that we wound
up with a terrible problem. And that terrible problem was a de facto result
that I was describing, that is, where many people did suffer as a consequence.
And I started to say, when DEA allows a controlled delivery of drugs,
there is a furious debate. Those controlled deliveries are monitored because
DEA says our job is to prevent it from coming in, and if it escapes on
the street, for any reason, we've blown it.
And that kind of standard is really the kind of standard that should have, I think, been applied here. And maybe you can give me and maybe we would both agree that there is some dreadful circumstance where this should have occurred and been allowed to occur and so on, and I probably could be convinced in the right set of circumstances. But the problem was that that issue wasn't put that way, and the sensitivity to what was going on was simply missing." (Jack Blum)
|"I do think it [was] a terrible mistake to say that 'We're going to allow drug trafficking to destroy American citizens' as a consequence of believing that the contra effort was a higher priority." - Sen. Robert Kerrey (D-NE)|
Evidence: Senate Iran-Contra &
The Contras (A quick review of Iran-Contra)
Obsessed with overthrowing the leftist Sandinista government in Nicaragua, Reagan administration officials tolerated and protected drug trafficking as long as the traffickers gave support to the Contras.
In response to the most recent allegations about CIA and Contra drug-running, the CIA has suddenly developed amnesia, feigning ignorance of widespread Contra drug running. CIA defenders continue the lie by claiming it was a few rogue Contra supporters operating outside of the knowledge and the employ of the CIA. Here the CIA and their media defenders caught in a CONTRAdiction:
The CIA and NSC tried to publicly distance themselves from the corrupt contra leadership, but the Contras were little more than a CIA-run proxy army from the onset. Oliver North's contra laison, Robert Owen, described contra leader Adolfo Calero as "..a creation of the USG [U.S. Government] and so he is the horse we chose to ride.."
|Obsessed with overthrowing the leftist Sandinista government in Nicaragua, Reagan administration officials tolerated drug trafficking as long as the traffickers gave support to the contras. In 1989, the Senate Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Operations (the Kerry committee) concluded a three-year investigation by stating: "There was substantial evidence of drug smuggling through the war zones on the part of individual Contras, Contra suppliers, Contra pilots, mercenaries who worked with the Contras, and Contra supporters throughout the region. ... U.S. officials involved in Central America failed to address the drug issue for fear of jeopardizing the war efforts against Nicaragua. ... In each case, one or another agency of the U.S. government had information regarding the involvement either while it was occurring, or immediately thereafter. ... Senior U.S. policy makers were not immune to the idea that drug money was a perfect solution to the Contras' funding problems." ("Kerry Report": Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy, a Report of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations, 1989, pp. 2, 36, 41)|
Jesus Garcia, who worked with Lt. Col. Oliver North's operations, said, "It is common knowledge here in Miami that this whole Contra operation was paid for with cocaine. ... I actually saw the cocaine and the weapons together under one roof, weapons that I (later) helped ship to Costa Rica." (December 1986 interview with Robert Knight and Dennis Bernstein, Contragate/Undercurrents) (How the Contras Invaded the United States, by Dennis Bernstein and Robert Knight, 1996, Part One: Wars go better with coke)
A Senate committee memorandum clearly stated "a number of individuals who supported the Contras and who participated in contra activity in Texas, Louisiana, California and Florida, as well as in Honduras, Nicaragua and Costa Rica, have suggested that cocaine is being smuggled in the U.S. through the same infrastructure which is procuring, storing and transporting weapons, explosives, ammunition and military equipment for the Contras from the United States." (Robert Knight and Dennis Bernstein , Contragate/Undercurrents, Newsday, March 31, 1987: re: Eight-page June 25, 1986, Select House Committee on Narcotics Abuse and Control) (How the Contras Invaded the United States, by Dennis Bernstein and Robert Knight, 1996, Part One: Wars go better with coke)
"With respect to (drug trafficking by) the Resistance Forces ... it is not a couple of people. It is a lot of people."(Iran-Contra testimony of Central American Task Force Chief, Alan Fiers, in sworn deposition to the Congressional Iran-Contra committees, August 5, 1987, 100-11, pp. 182-183.)
"When this whole business of drug trafficking came out in the open in the Contras, the CIA gave a document to Cesar, Popo Chamorro and Marcos Aguado, too..."
"..They said this is a document holding them harmless, without any responsibility, for having worked in U.S. security..." (Former ARDE Contra leader Eden Pastora, Nov. 26, 1996, speaking before the Senate Select Intelligence Committee on alleged CIA drug trafficking to fund Nicaraguan Contras in the 1980s, Chaired by Senator Arlen Specter)
"..Pastora noted that the trio has been able to cross U.S. borders freely since then but are barred from entering Costa Rica. Records show the Costa Rican government accused them of cocaine trafficking for the Contras." (Gary Webb & Thomas Farragher, San Jose Mercury News/Mercury News Washington Bureau, "Ex-Contras: We saw no CIA link to drugs; One acknowledges payment from dealer," Published: Nov. 27, 1996)
The order was issued by none other than Costa Rican President Oscar Arias. Then-President Arias was acting on recommendations from a Costa Rican congressional commission investigating drug trafficking. The commission concluded that the contra re-supply network in Costa Rica which North coordinated from the White House doubled as a drug smuggling operation.
The narcotics commission started probing the contra network centered around the northern Costa Rican ranch of US-born John Hull because of "the quantity and frequency of the shipment of drugs that passed through the zone." North's personal notebook mentioned "the necessity of giving Mr. Hull protection." (San Juan Star, Puerto Rico, 7/22/89).
In 1989, after the Costa Rica government indicted Hull for drug trafficking, a DEA-hired plane clandestinely and illegally exfiltrated the CIA operative to Miami, via Haiti. The US repeatedly thwarted Costa Rican efforts to extradite Hull back to Costa Rica to stand trial. (Martha Honey and David Myers, "U.S. Probing Drug Agent's Activities in Costa Rica," San Francisco Chronicle, August 14, 1991. )
Investigators held North responsible for Gen. Manuel Noriega's participation in the contra supply network, which opened the door to at least seven pilots who trafficked in drugs while supplying arms to the contras. "These requests for contra help were initiated by Colonel North to General Noriega," the commission reported. "They opened a gate so their henchmen could utilize [Costa Rican] territory for trafficking in arms and drugs." (Tico Times, Costa Rica, 7/28/89).
Barred from Costa Rica along with North were Maj. Gen. Richard Secord, former National Security Advisor John Poindexter, former US Ambassador to Costa Rica, Lewis Tambs, and former CIA station chief in Costa Rica, Joseph Fernandez. The Costa Rican congress later ratified the permanent implementation of the bannings.
|In Costa Rica, which served as the "Southern Front" for the contras
(Honduras being the Northern Front), there were several different CIA-contra
networks involved in drug trafficking. In addition to those
servicing the Meneses-Blandon operation detailed by the Mercury News, and
Noriega's operation, there was CIA operative John Hull, whose farms along
Costa Rica's border with Nicaragua were the main staging area for the contras.
Hull and other CIA-connected contra supporters and pilots teamed up with George Morales, a major Miami-based Colombian drug trafficker who later admitted to giving $3 million in cash and several planes to contra leaders. (Martha Honey, Hostile Acts: U.S. Policy in Costa Rica in the 1980s, Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1994.)
Another Costa Rican-based drug ring involved a group of Cuban Americans whom the CIA had hired as military trainers for the contras. Many had long been involved with the CIA and drug trafficking. They used contra planes and a Costa Rican-based shrimp company, which laundered money for the CIA, to move cocaine to the U.S. (Martha Honey, Hostile Acts: U.S. Policy in Costa Rica in the 1980s, Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1994.)
A City of Miami Police Intelligence Report dated September 26, 1984, states that money to support Contras being illegally trained in Florida "comes from narcotics transactions." Every page of that document is stamped: "Record furnished to George Kosinsky, FBI." Justice Department head Janet Reno, then Florida's chief prosecutor, apparently saw no reason to investigate further.
|Immense Contra Drug ring in Los Angeles:
According to a year-long investigation by SAN JOSE (California) MERCURY NEWS reporter Gary Webb, (using court records, declassified documents, undercover audio tapes, and files retrieved via the Freedom of Information Act) the Contras (FDN) solved their financial problems by opening the first direct pipeline from the Colombian cocaine cartels to black gangs --the Crips and the Bloods -- on the streets of Los Angeles.
Federal and local drug-enforcement agencies investigated this Contra
drug ring. An Oct. 23, 1986, affidavit (Thomas Gordon, a former Los
Angeles County sheriff's narcotics detective) identifies Contra
supporter and former Nicaraguan Samoza government official Danilo
Blandon as "the highest-ranking member of this organization"
and describes an immense drug network involving more than 100 Nicaraguan
Contra sympathizers who were selling cocaine "mainly to blacks
living in the South-Central Los Angeles area."
Gary Webb, "'Crack' Plague's Roots Are in Nicaragua War; Colombia- Bay Area Drug Pipeline Helped CIA-Backed Contras '80s Efforts to Assist Guerillas Left Legacy of Drugs, Gangs in Black L.A.," SAN JOSE MERCURY NEWS August 18, 1996, pg. 1A;
Gary Webb, "Testimony Links U.S. to Drugs-Guns Trade; Dealers Got 'Their Own Little Arsenal,'" SAN JOSE MERCURY NEWS August 18, 1996, pg. 17A.
Gary Webb, "Odd Trio Created Mass Market for 'Crack'; L.A. Dealer Might
Get Life; Officials Quiet About Role of Nicaraguans," SAN JOSE MERCURY
NEWS August 19, 1996, pg. 1A.
In the spring of 1986, John Mattes, a former Miami-based Federal Public Defender, began working with Senator John Kerry's office to investigate the contra drug connection. "What we investigated and uncovered," Mattes recalls, "was the very infrastructure of the network that had the veil of national security protecting it, so that people could load cannons in broad daylight, in public airports, on flights going to Ilopango Airport, where in fact the very same people were bringing narcotics back into the U.S., unimpeded."
The CIA had control over almost all aspect of the illicit Contra resupply operation. "CIA officers in Central America were charged with obtaining clearances for these flights from the Honduran military. As a result, CIA officers in Central America began learning about the contractors who were making NHAO's deliveries.." (Chapter 21 "CIA Subject #1," Final Report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters, Volume I: Investigations and Prosecutions, Lawrence E. Walsh, Independent Counsel, pg. 299 - http://www.fas.org/irp/offdocs/walsh/index.html)
|In 1989, the Senate Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Operations (the Kerry committee) concluded a three-year investigation by stating: "There was substantial evidence of drug smuggling through the war zones on the part of individual Contras, Contra suppliers, Contra pilots mercenaries who worked with the Contras, and Contra supporters throughout the region.... U.S. officials involved in Central America failed to address the drug issue for fear of jeopardizing the war efforts against Nicaragua.... In each case, one or another agency of the U.S. govemment had information regarding the involvement either while it was occurring, or immediately thereafter.... Senior U S policy makers were not immune to the idea that drug money was a perfect solution to the Contras' funding problems." (Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy, a Report of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and Intemational Operations, 1989)|
|White House Protection of in-coming drug flights by freezing Customs:
"We ran into another procedure which was extremely troubling. There was a system for stopping Customs inspections of inbound and outbound aircraft from Miami and from other airports in Florida. People would call the Customs office and say, 'Stand down. Flights are going out. Flights are coming in.'
We tried to find out more about that and were privately told, again by Customs people who said "Please don't say anything," that the whole thing was terribly informal and there was no real way of determining the legitimacy of the request to stand down, or the legitimacy of what was on the plane and going out to people in the field. That I found to be terribly troubling, and it's a matter that you all should be looking at very carefully." (taken from Jack Blum's testimony before Congress)
|See Above: The U.S. Department of Justice, the CIA, the Contras, Mexican Narcocrats, and the torture-murder of a DEA agent|
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Lt. Col. Oliver North's Notebooks and other funny things about Ollie North's out-of-control "Enterprise." Note that a good deal of evidence regarding White House knowledge of CIA and Contra drug running probably was destroyed. As Col. North (currently an MSN commentator!) readily admitted in Senate testimony, he destroyed all manner of incriminating evidence by shredding documents while Congressional Iran-Contra investigators reviewed documents in an adjacent room. His notebooks have been released in two forms, with different redactions and declassifications. What Lt. Col. North left us to pick through are hints as to the scope of corruption in Lt. Col. North's "Enterprise:"
--mtg. tonight w/Dick/Rafael/Tom w/Romero FDN Log Chief
--[CIA Subject #1] discussions re Supermarket
--HO [Honduran] Army plans to sieze all mat'l when supermarket
comes to bad end
--$14M to finance came from drugs
--[Subject #1] expects HOAF [Honduran Airforce] to sieze the
supermarket's assets when the supermarket folds.
--[Subject #1] likes light A/C [aircraft] ASAP
--Doesn't like goons [slang term for C-47]
--Should get CASA 212's
(CIA Subject #1: of Final Report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters, Volume I: Investigations and Prosecutions, Lawrence E. Walsh, Independent Counsel - http://www.fas.org/irp/offdocs/walsh/index.html)
Note: "Dick = Richard Secord; Rafael = Rafael Quintero, ex-CIA, old associate of Secord; Tom = Thomas Clines, ex-CIA, old associate of Secord; CIA Subject #1 = senior field officer, Cent. Amer., served with Clines and Secord in covert operations in Laos. The supermarket assets at the time were $17 million." - pp's. 298 & 299, Chapter 21 )
During 1984 and 1986, the Contras and the U.S. Department of State chose DIACSA, a Miami-based company that was already documented in on-line U.S. Government databases as a center of operations for it's drug trafficking owners. DIACSA's owners would ultimately be indicted and convicted for cocaine trafficking.
The 1986 case of Honduran General Jose Bueso Rosa:
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The San Francisco Frogmen: A Nicaraguan Contra drug ring smuggles cocaine from ships via SCUBA gear. The U.S. Department of Justice, at the request of the CIA, returns monetary proceeds from drug running to the Contra smugglers.
|"This case gets it nickname from swimmers who brought cocaine ashore on the West Coast from a Colombian vessel in 1982-1983. It focused on a major Colombian cocaine smuggler, Alvaro Carvajal-Minota, who supplied a number of West Coast smugglers. It was alleged, but never confirmed, that Nicaraguan citizen Horacio Pereira, an associate of Carvajal, had helped the Nicaraguan resistance. Pereira was subsequently convicted on drug charges in Costa Rica and sentenced to twelve years imprisonment. Two other Nicaraguans, Carlos Cabezas and Julio Zavala, who were among the jailed West Coast traffickers convicted of receiving drugs from Carvajal, claimed long after their conviction that they had delivered large sums of money to resistance groups in Costa Rica and that Pereira, who was not charged in the case, has said the profits from the drug sale would finance resistance activities." [State Department Document #5136c, July 26, 1986]|
|"We knew about the connection between the West Coast cocaine trade and the Contras. There was an astonishing case called the "Frogman (sp) Case." In that case -- I believe it was in that case -- the United States attorney for San Francisco, a man by the name of Russonello (sp), returned $35,000 of cocaine proceeds, voluntarily, to the Contras, when it had been seized as the proceeds of drug trafficking. And we found that absolutely astonishing. I know of no other situation where the Justice Department was so forthcoming in returning seized property." (from Jack Blum's testimony before Senator Arlen Specter's investigative committee)|
|"After the trial, the U.S. government returned $36,020 seized as drug money to one of the defendants, Zavala, after he submitted letters from Contra leaders claiming the funds were really their property. The money that was returned had been seized by the FBI after being found in cash in a drawer at Zavala's home with drug transaction letters, an M-1 carbine, a grenade, and a quantity of Cocaine." [San Francisco Examiner, March 16, 1986.]|
|The Subcommittee found that the Frogman arrest involved cocaine from a Colombian source, Carvajal-Minota. In addition, Zavala and Cabezas had as a second source of supply, Nicaraguans living in Costa Rica associated with the Contras. FBI documents from the Frogman case identify the Nicaraguans as Horacio Pereira, Troilo Sanchez and Fernando Sanchez.Pereira was convicted on cocaine charges in Costa Rica in 1985 and sentenced to 12 years in prison. An important member of the Pereira organization was Sebastian "Huachan" Gonzalez, who also was associated with ARDE in Southern Front Contra operations. Robert Owen advised North in February 1985, that Gonzalez was trafficking in cocaine. Jose Blandon testified that Eden Pastora knew that Gonzalez was involved in drug trafficking while he was working with ARDE. Gonzalez later left the Contra movement and fled from Costa Rica to Panama, where he went to work for General Noriega. [November 8, 1982, FBI teletype from San Francisco to Director, U.S. v. Zavala, et al., CBS Evening News, June 2, 1986., Iran/Contra Testimony of Robert Owen, May 14, 1987, Exhibit RWO 7, p. 801., Blandon, Part 2, pp. 132-133.]|
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The classic case of Panamanian general Manuel Noriega.
|"Noriega facilitated "guns-for-drugs" flights for the Contras, providing protection and pilots, as well as safe havens for drug cartel otficials, and discreet banking facilities. U.S. officials, including then-ClA Director William Webster and several DEA officers, sent Noriega letters of praise for efforts to thwart drug trafficking (albeit only against competitors of his Medellin Cartel patrons). The U.S. government only turned against Noriega, invading Panama in December 1989 and kidnapping the general once they discovered he was providing intelligence and services to the Cubans and Sandinistas. Ironically drug trafficking through Panama increased after the US invasion." (John Dinges, Our Man in Panama, Random House, 1991; National Security Archive Documentation Packet The Contras, Cocaine, and Covert Operations.)|
|"The second man who turned up on our screen very big time was General
Noriega. And as you'll recall -- press accounts have said it, the government
has made this public -- so I'm not saying anything that's classified, Noriega
was on our payroll. The accounts we heard were that he was getting paid
some $200,000 a year by the United States government. At the time that
was going on, virtually everybody who dealt with him knew he was in the
drug business. It was an open secret. In fact, it was so open, it appeared
on the front page of the New York Times in June of 1986. I testified about
it in a closed session of the Foreign Relations Committee in 1986.
We have, as the absolute low point of the contra war, Ollie North having a meeting with General Noriega, and he recorded that meeting in great detail in his notebooks, in which he's bargaining with Noriega. Noriega says to him, I've got this terrible public relations problem over drugs, what can you do to help me? Here's what I'll do to help you; I'll assassinate the entire Sandinista leadership, I'll blow up buildings in Managua. Ollie doesn't call the cops; what Ollie does is he goes back to Poindexter, and Poindexter says, "Gee, that's a little bit extreme. Can't you get him to tone it down? Go back and meet with him again." Which Ollie does.
When our committee asked the General Accounting Office to do a step-by-step
analysis of just who in our government knew that General Noriega was dealing
drugs and when they knew it and what they did to act on that knowledge,
the administration told every agency of the government not to cooperate
with GAO, labeled it a national security matter, and swept it into the
White House and cloaked it in executive privilege. That investigation never
went forward, should have gone forward. I was very much dismayed. Our committee
subpoenaed Ollie North's notebooks, and the history of those notebooks
is quite astonishing. Not many people realize this, but the Senate never
got a clean copy of those notebooks. North's lawyers were permitted to
expurgate sections of the notebooks based on, quote, "relevance." Our committee
subpoenaed those notebooks and we engaged in a 10-month battle to get them,
and ultimately, the investigation ended, the subcommittee's mandate ended,
we never got them." (from Jack Blum's
testimony before Senator Arlen Specter's investigative committee)
CIA alliances in Haiti:
In the 1980s to early 199Os, the CIA worked to keep the corupt Haitian military and political leadership in power. As usual, the CIA turned a blind eye to their clients' drug trafficking. In 1986, the Agency added some more names to its payroll by creating a new Haitian organization, the National Intelligence Service (SIN). SIN was purportedly created to fight the cocaine trade, though SIN officers themselves engaged in the trafficking, a trade aided and abetted by some of the Haitian military and political leaders.
|"We had problems in Haiti, where friends of ours -- that is, intelligence sources in the Haitian military -- had turned their facilities, their ranches and their farms over to drug traffickers. Instead of putting pressure on that rotten leadership of the Haitian military, we defended them. We held our noses, we looked the other way, and they and their criminal friends distributed, through a variety of networks, cocaine in the United States -- in Miami, in Philadelphia, New York and parts of Pennsylvania." - (Jack Blum in testimony before Congress)|
|"Honduras was another country that was key for the
Contras. Honduras was the base of contra operations. Most of the contra
supplies came through Honduras. We wanted to do nothing to embarrass the
Honduran military. Ramon Matta Ballesteros, a member of a gang that was
involved in the Camarena murder, went to Honduras and found refuge there.
He was walking the streets of Tegulcigalpa openly and publicly. The response
of the United States government was to close the DEA office in Honduras
and move the agent stationed there to Guatemala. We took testimony from
that DEA agent. He said it made no sense. The drug trafficking was going
on in Honduras, and the Honduran military were at the center of it.
When the war ended, almost the minute the war ended, to our credit, the administration arranged the midnight extradition of Mr. Matta Ballesteros, who is currently serving a life term in American prisons. The response of the Honduran military was to allow a mob to burn down a portion of the U.S. facilities in Tegulcigalpa.
But we sat by, as long as they were helping us, and allowed them to carry on their illegal business." (Jack Blum in testimony before Sen. Arlen Specter)
This author's overview of modern narco-colonialism.
Another analysis concludes that the cumulative effect of protecting the Bolivian and Contra cocaine pipelines essentially kick-started the crack-cocaine epidemic of the early 1980's.
Jack Blum was the lead investigator into the Iran-Contra affair; he delved substantially into the bizarre quagmire of covert operations during the 1980's investigations. In 1996, Mr. Blum provided a prepared statement as well as testified before a Senate subcomittee investigating CIA complicity with Contra drug trafficking. Both transcripts are quite revealing for what they do say and what they don't say.
During the Vietnam War, Alfred McCoy went right were the action was, into the midst of a covert war where controlling the opium fields was part of the CIA's covert war strategy.
The pattern of U.S. narco-colonial complicity and/or protection of drug running rackets went beyond the CIA and included the Department of Justice. The patterns also continue, with notable examples from Burma, Peru and Venezuela, in addition to a continuation of playing underground games in Colombia and Central America.
Burma (Myanmar): The CIA leaves tell-tale signs of its activities.MOGE is a joint oil drilling venture of the narco-militarist regime and Unocal. There are allegations that MOGE is being used by the fascist regime to launder their narco-profits. This has resulted in a major share-holder's lawsuit to unveil the truth.
In the fall of 1995 and later, in 1996, Richard Horn, a DEA agent, filed two separate lawsuits against top former State Dept. and CIA officers based in Burma, contending that they acted to thwart his antidrug mission in the Southeast Asian nation.
In addition to his evidence that the CIA had thwarted DEA anti-drug efforts in Burma, Horn alleges that he was lied to, electronically surveilled, and finally kicked out of Burma - not by the narco-fascist Burmese government but by U.S. officials who explained that his anti-drug campaign should be sacrificed in in favor of other diplomatic objectives. (see also http://www.TheNation.com/issue/961216/1216bern.htm)
Int'l Federation of Chemical, Energy, Mine and General Workers' Unions Update: Burma/USA: Unocal Shareholder Can Go Ahead With Call For Drug Laundering Investigation, SEC Says
|Venezuela and 22 tons of cocaine: The CIA bungles
an ostensibly legitimate anti-drug operation.
From 1987 to 1991, a team of CIA agents officially collaborated with a Venezuelan general to import nearly 22 tons (20,000 kilo's) of cocaine, over the objections of the DEA! Nearly all of the cocaine made its way onto the streets without interdiction. This incident was, at the time, officially dismissed as an "aberration" resulting from poor decision making by a CIA agent. AAt the same time a CIA director was issuing blanket denials of CIA involvement in cocaine trafficking, this story was making breaking 1996 headlines as a Miami Grand Jury was hearing evidence in the case.
The CIA and Venezuelan military had placed a spy in the ranks of a Colombian drug cartel and had attempted winning the confidence of drug lords by handling shipments ultimately totaling 22 tons.
All this was done under the aegis of the CIA's Venezuelan counter-narcotics force. Whether the debacle had in its basis a legitimate anti-narcotics purpose, it does reveal a great deal in the way the Agency typically applies its craft. There's a very telling comment in the New York Times article: "..[s]uch programs fall under the banner of 'liaison relationships' with foreign intelligence agencies, and rarely if ever does the C.I.A. willingly report on these relationships to Congress."
|Peru's Cocaine "Rasputin:"
Peru has become a classic Latin "Narcocracy." The CIA, as usual, is plying the local political terrain for whatever leverage it can acquire, leading to the CIA keeping a known narco-militarist on the CIA payroll. Here we see Clinton's DEA chief (Drug Enforcement Agency within the U.S. Dept. of Justice) turning a blind eye towards the drug-running activities of a CIA asset:
The whole story:
[Peru's 115,300 hectares of coca estimated by the USG annual crop survey in 1995 is nearly 60 percent of the world total, and provides raw material for about 80 percent of all cocaine consumed in the U.S. This is an increase of 6% over the 1994 coca cultivation estimate. (UNITED STATES STATE DEPARTMENT NARCOTICS REPORT)
Peru has been mainly an exporter of semifinished raw material (cocaine
base) for processing in Colombia, but in 1995 there was evidence of more
processing of cocaine hydrochloride in Peru for export to Mexico or other
destinations, bypassing the historical Colombia connection.]
Guatamala:Guatamala's emergence as a CIA-protected narcocracy pales in comparison to its long history of state violence and slow genocide of AmerIndian peasants. For the entirety of the 20th century, murderous regimes have been installed and supported by the U.S.A. Early in the 20th century, the U.S. Army made regular visits to Guatamala to put down populist rebellions. In the 1950's the U.S. Army invaded Guatamala to render a plantation state suitable for United Fruit Corp. While no U.S. invasion has ocurred since then, the US Army and CIA have been very active in training and supporting the narco-fascist military.
But more fundamental to the problem is the structural dependence of Guatamala's economy upon narco-dollars, without which the small republic would find itself destabilized and a poor environment for foriegn corporations to operate their agricultural plantations.
synopsis explains the contents of a 1972 CIA Inspector General's report.
The report defended the CIA's acquiescence to the opium trafficking of
the CIA-backed Hmong irregular army. Prof. Alfred McCoy went where the
action was, and documented the CIA's role
in heroin smuggling first hand.
Most notable is the fact that the CIA's Vietnam-era proprietary airline "Air America" was used to actually transport raw opium. Yes, the CIA actually smuggled drugs. The CIA wasn't transporting the finished product (heroin), rather the CIA operatives were moving raw opium as part of supporting the Hmong irregular army. In order for the Hmong to continue to fight, the CIA saw to it that their raw opium arrived at the next trans-shipment point.
The comic movie, "Air America" documents this, with information used from the first edition of the book by the same name (later editions of the book are missing the documentary evidence, including the testimony of former Air America pilots).
A few of the principals prosecuted in the Iran-Contra affair, notably John Singlaub and Richard Secord, were also involved in the CIA's covert war in Laos. Secord was a commander in Air America.
Mexico: Follow the Money & the Mexican Trade SurplusAgain, going beyond simple corruption is a structural dependance upon narco-profits. Mexico's oligarchy, military and secret services are all corrupted by narco-profits, creating a situation whereby Mexico is both doomed to suffer the fate of a narcocracy as well as a kleptocracy.
The CIA maintains the largest overseas station outside the United States in Mexico City, as does the FBI and DEA. The drug smuggling Mexican army, police, and high level politicians have been on the CIA payroll for more than 30 years. More than 90 percent of all illegal drugs transit though Mexico to the United States. The DEA estimates that illegal drugs amount to a $30 billion dollar trade surplus to Mexico with the United States.
Mexico's external debt of more than $150 billion dollars, owed mostly to huge US money center banks such as Citibank, requires approximately $14 billion dollars a year to service the interest. In 1998, Citibank was found guilty of failing to report suspiciously large transactions, laundering millions of dollars for the Salinas brothers and Mexican cartels.
The Mexican flow of narco-dollars only deferred the ultimate fate that Mexico's external debt would rapidly go into default and the nation functionally became insolvent. After the passage of NAFTA, Mexico essentially defaulted, its currency worthless and its treasury looted by PRI politicans. Under Pres. Bill Clinton's direction, the U.S. Treasury bolstered Mexico's currency to the tune of $130 billion dollars.
As usual, there are narco-facilitators who, unsurprisingly, find friends
in the CIA. Attempts by Mexican journalists to unravel the Mexican oligarchy's
structural dependence upon narco-colonial tactics and functional basis
as a narcocracy, in addition to the usual web of government corruption
and collusion with drug traffickers, have met with tragedy. Just like DEA
agents who have penetrated into the higher government ranks of the narco-profits
food-chain, journalists who start publicly exposing
this perverted and corrupt system are murdered.
|A group of U.S. Congressmen submitted this documentary history of CIA collusion with drug traffickers into the Congressional Record.|
Prof. Peter Dale Scott
Cocaine Importation Agency (exhaustive):
We The People:
Crack the CIA Coalition:
Michael Levine's pages:
Michael Rupert's home page:
The Duplicity of the War on Drugs:
Serendipity CIA-Drugs Home Page:
Drugs & the CIA:
Chapter 5 of Book: Intelligence Operations since World War II
The CIA: Cocaine Importing Agency
READING LIST ON INTELLIGENCE AGENCIES & POLITICAL REPRESSION: http://noel.pd.org/topos/perforations/perf2/reading_list.html
Government Manipulation and Distortion of History, Part II, Louis Wolf: http://jefferson.village.virginia.edu/sixties/
The African American Center For Social Justice
3870 Crenshaw Blvd.,
Suite 370 Los Angeles, CA 90008
Parascope's page on CIA-Drugs
COINTELPRO: Internal Pogroms & psy-war tactics used against the U.S. populace by its own government
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Cocaine Politics: Drugs, Armies, and the CIA in Central America, by Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall (1991);
The Politics of Heroin (originally published in 1972 as The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia, and reissued in greatly revised and expanded format in 1991) -- by Alfred McCoy ;
The Big White Lie: The CIA and the Cocaine/Crack Epidemic, by former top DEA agent Michael Levine (1993);
Powderburns - Cocaine, Contras and the Drug War, by former DEA agent Celerino "Cele" Castillo III ;
The Great Heroin Coup - Drugs, Intelligence, & International Fascism, Henrik Krueger, translated from the original German by Jerry Meldon, foreword by Peter Dale Scott, South End Press, Box 68 Astor Station, Boston MA 02123, Copyright (c) 1980 ;
The CIA, a forgotten history, by William Blum, Zed Books Ltd, London, Copyright (c) 1986 ;
Deep Cover: The Inside Story of How DEA Infighting, Incompetence, and Subterfuge Lost Us the Biggest Battle of the Drug War, by former top DEA agent Michael Levine, New York: Delacorte Press, 1990.
"C.I.A.: Cocaine In America?" by Former CIA agent -- by Ken Bucchi, Shapolsky Publishers ;
The Great Heroin Coup: Drugs, Intelligence, & International Fascism, by Danish journalist Henrik Kruger (1980);
The Crimes of Patriots: A True Tale of Dope, Dirty Money, and the CIA, by former Wall Street Journal reporter Jonathan Kwitny (1987);
Inside The Shadow Government, by The Christic Institute, The Christic Institute, Washington D.C., Copyright (c) 1988 ;
Out Of Control - The Story of the Reagan Administration's Secret War in Nicaragua, the Illegal Arms Pipeline, and the Contra Drug Connection, by Leslie Cockburn, Atlantic Monthley Press, New York, Copyright (c) 1987 ( So far this book has only been published this one time. This story is the result of Cockburn's investigations for CBS news and parts also show up in her Public Broadcast System special: "Drugs, Guns, and the CIA") ;
"The Culture of Terrorism." Noam Chomsky, 1978, South End Press. A brilliant polemic which argues that behind Iran-Contragate is a
relentless drive for world power by the U.S. government.
"Packaging the Contras: A Case of CIA Disinformation." Edgar Chamorro, 1987, Institute for Media Analysis. ($5.00 +1.00 S/H to 145 W. 4th St., N.Y., N.Y. 10012) A former Contra leader reveals how the CIA created the image of the Contras as the "democratic alternative."
"Agents of Repression: The FBI's Secret Wars Against the Black Panther Party and the American Indian Movement." Ward Churchill & Jim Vander Wall, 1988, South End Press. A chilling account of the murderous tactics used aginst non-white political activists. 500 pages and an extensive index and footnotes.
"COINTELPRO Papers: Documents from the FBI's Secret Wars Against Dissent in the United States." Ward Churchill & Jim Vander Wall, 1989, South End Press. Actual FBI documents and commentary make a strong case for convincing skeptics. Replaces the "Counter-intelligence" book previously issued by the NLG.
"COINTELPRO: The FBI's Secret War on Political Freedom." Nelson Blackstock, 1976, Vintage Books. The FBI's campaign to infiltrate and disrupt the Socialist Workers Party; good overview of the other Bureau investigations of additional left organizations.
October Surprise, by Barbara Honegger, Tudor Publishing Co., New York and Los Angeles Copyright (c) 1989
"In Search of Enemies." John Stockwell, 1978, W.W. Norton. The former head of the CIA's Angolan Task Force criticizes the Agency's role in the country.
"Blowback: The First Full Account of America's Recruitment of Nazis, and its Disastrous Effect on Our Domestic and Foreign Policy."
Christopher Simpson, 1988, Weidenfeld & Nicolson. The title says it all.
"Old Nazis, the New Right, and the Reagan Administration: The Role of Domestic Fascist Networks in the Republican Party and their Effect on U.S. Cold War Politics." Russ Bellant, 1988, Political Research Associates. What the Blowback crowd did with their spare time after the OSS/CIA recruited them to the U.S. $6.50 from Political Research Associates, Suite 205, 678 Mass. Ave, Cambridge, MA 02139.
"Inside the League: The Shocking Expose of How Terrorists, Nazis, and Latin American Death Squads Have Infiltrated the World Anti-Communist League." Scott Anderson and Jon Lee Anderson, 1986, Dodd, Mead. Traces role of anti-Semites and neo-Nazis sheltered by CIA in private covert action and propaganda wars around the world and how they network through WACL.
"Labyrinth" Taylor Branch and Eugene M. Propper, 1983, Penguin. The story of the search for the assassins of Orlando Letelier.
"Secret Agenda, Watergate, Deep Throat and the CIA." Jim Hougan, 1984, Random House. One of many books exploring the CIA's role in Watergate.
"Search for the Manchurian Candidate." John P. Marks, 1979, Quadrangle Press. The history of the CIA's drug and behavior control programs.
"Acid Dreams: The CIA, LSD and the Sixties Rebellion." Martin Lee and Bruce Shlain, 1985, Grove Press. The CIA thought LSD would revolutionize the spy trade...nobody's perfect.
"The Mind Manipulators." Alan W. Scheflin and Edward M. Opton, Jr., 1978, Paddington Press, distributed by Grosset & Dunlap. Reviews behavior modification experiments by the CIA and the Army.
"In the Spirit of Crazy Horse" Peter Matthiessen, 1983, Viking Press. The story of how the FBI targeted the American Indian Movement.
"Voices from Wounded Knee." Told by the participants and residents of Wounded Knee. 1976, Akwesasne Notes (a Native American newspaper published from the Mohawk Nation, Rooseveltown, New York 13683). An account of the occupation at Wounded Knee, with some details on FBI presence on the Pine Ridge Reservation.
"It Did Happen Here: Recollections of Political Repression in America." Bud Schultz and Ruth Schultz, 1989, University of California Press. With their own words, victims of political repression in the U.S. discuss their lives and their battles. A powerful indictment of the
myth of equal justice under law in the U.S.
"Liberty Under Siege: American Politics 1976-1988" Walter Karp, 1988, Henry Holt & Co. Reviewing this book, Bill Moyers quipped it was "like a cold shower on the morning after. Here, finally, is a reveille for reality, a call to stop this long intoxication with illusion and look at what has been happening to our republic."
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